Tuesday, January 27, 2009

World craves for change as Obama sworn in

Barack Obama is sworn in as the 44th US President by Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts in front of the Capitol in Washington yesterday. Photo: AFP
Stepping into history, Barack Hussein Obama was sworn in yesterday as America's first black president in a high-noon inauguration amid grave economic worries and high expectations.

Braving icy temperatures and possible snow flurries, hundreds of thousands of people descended on the heavily guarded capital city for the first change of administrations since the terror attacks of September 11, 2001.

Two years after beginning his improbable quest as a little-known, first-term Illinois senator with a foreign-sounding name, Obama moves into the Oval Office as the nation's fourth youngest president, at 47, and the first African-American, a racial barrier-breaking achievement believed impossible by generations of minorities.

Around the world, Obama's election electrified millions with the hope that America will be more embracing, more open to change.

The dawn of the new Democratic era - with Obama allies in charge of both houses of Congress - ends eight years of Republican control of the White House by George W. Bush. He leaves Washington as one of the nation's most unpopular and divisive presidents, the architect of two unfinished wars and the man in charge at a time of economic calamity that swept away many Americans' jobs, savings, homes and dreams - leaving behind a sickening feeling of insecurity.

The unfinished business of the Bush administration thrusts an enormous burden onto Obama's shoulders. Pre-inauguration polls show Americans believe Obama is on track to succeed and are confident he can turn the economy around. He has cautioned that improvements will take time and that things will get worse before they get better.

Culminating four days of celebration, the script for Obama and Vice President-elect Joe Biden at the nation's 56th inauguration was to begin with a traditional morning worship service at St. John's Episcopal Church, across Lafayette Park from the White House, and end with dancing and partying at 10 inaugural balls lasting deep into the night.

By custom, Obama and his wife, Michelle, were invited to the White House for coffee with Bush and his wife, Laura, followed by a shared ride in a sleek, heavily armoured Cadillac limousine to the US Capitol for the transfer of power, an event flashed around the world in television and radio broadcasts, podcasts and Internet streaming. On Monday, Vice President Dick Cheney pulled a muscle in his back, leaving him in a wheelchair for the inauguration.

Before noon, Obama steps forward on the West Front of the Capitol to lay his left hand on the same Bible that President Abraham Lincoln used at his first inauguration in 1861. The 35-word oath of office, administered by Chief Justice John Roberts, has been uttered by every president since George Washington. Obama was one of 22 Democratic senators to vote against Roberts' confirmation to the Supreme Court in 2005.

The son of a Kansas-born mother and Kenya-born father, Obama decided to use his full name in the swearing-in ceremony.

The Constitution says the clock - not the pomp, ceremony and oaths - signals the transfer of the office from the old president to the new one.

The 20th Amendment to the Constitution specifies that the terms of office of the president and vice president "shall end at noon on the 20th day of January ... and the terms of their successors shall then begin."

To the dismay of liberals, Obama invited conservative evangelical pastor Rick Warren - an opponent of gay rights - to give the inaugural invocation.

About a dozen members of Obama's Cabinet and top appointees - including Secretary of State-designate Hillary Rodham Clinton - were ready for Senate confirmation Tuesday, provided no objections were raised.

More than 10,000 people from all 50 states - including bands and military units - were assembled to follow Obama and Biden from the Capitol on the 1.5-mile inaugural parade route on Pennsylvania Avenue, concluding at a bulletproof reviewing stand in front of the White House. Security was unprecedented. Most bridges into Washington and about 3.5 square miles of downtown were closed.

Obama's inauguration represents a time of renewal and optimism for a nation gripped by fear and anxiety. Stark numbers tell the story of an economic debacle unrivalled since the 1930s:

-Eleven million people have lost their jobs, pushing the unemployment rate to 7.2 percent, a 16-year high.

-One in 10 US homeowners is delinquent on mortgage payments or in arrears.

-The Dow Jones industrial average fell by 33.8 percent in 2008, the worst decline since 1931, and stocks lost $10 trillion in value between October 2007 and November 2008.

Obama and congressional Democrats are working on an $825 billion economic recovery bill that would provide an enormous infusion of public spending and tax cuts. Obama also will have at his disposal the remaining $350 billion in the federal financial bailout fund. His goal is to save or create 3 million jobs and put banks back in the job of lending to customers.

In an appeal for bipartisanship, Obama honoured defeated Republican presidential rival John McCain at a dinner Monday night. "There are few Americans who understand this need for common purpose and common effort better than John McCain," Obama said.

Bon voyage, Barack Obama

THE inauguration of Barack Obama as the 44th US president was a profound and historic moment for America and the world. That an African American could become the country’s president and commander-in-chief only 43 years after the signing of the Civil Rights Act, which ended segregation, suggests that America has travelled a long way. If Obama’s election and the scenes at the inauguration on Tuesday — which was attended by some two million people, blacks and whites, women and men, old and young, Muslims and Christians — demonstrated anything, it is that the country may have finally put to rest the ghosts of slavery and segregation, of exploitation and discrimination, that have haunted it for so many years.
While people in America and around the world have reasons to rejoice at the swearing-in of the new US president, not least because it also marks the end of the tenure of George W Bush, the massive challenges that Obama will have to face from his first day at the Oval Office cannot be overstated. He will be expected to revive the US economy which is in the middle of a terrible crisis, end two long and difficult wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, find a lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, tackle international terrorism and global climate change, and fight poverty and disease in America and the rest of the world, to name but a few of his challenges.
These are challenges that the new president must face head-on. While we hope that he is able to revive the US economy, which is important from our point of view because a significant portion of our readymade garments exports go to the US, we are more interested in his ability, over the coming months and years, to chart a new course in US foreign policy. We hope that the new president will ensure that the US adheres to international laws and agreements and bases its diplomacy on respect, cooperation and multilateralism rather than on using the might of its power. In particular, we hope that the new president will not only engage diplomatically in the Middle East but will go out of his way to prove himself and his administration as an honest broker in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
We also hope the Obama administration will re-think the US ‘war on terror’ and realise that there is no military solution to the problem; the war will have to be fought on many fronts, sophistically and simultaneously. At the same time, we expect the new president to put an immediate end to torture and human rights abuses that have been carried out during the Bush administration and with its active support. In this regard, we commend him for ordering a halt to prosecution of prisoners at Guantánamo Bay as one of his first executive acts.
From Bangladesh’s point of view, it is very important that the new president tackles climate change by reducing greenhouse gas emissions in America as well as by helping countries like ours to adapt to the impacts of climate change. It is encouraging that Obama has promised to make energy efficiency one of the central tenets of his presidency, but it is of particular concern to us that his administration might promote bio-fuels as an alternative energy option, which would drive up the price of food and threaten our food security. Instead, we hope that his administration sets strict energy efficiency standards at home and invest money on research to find efficient ways to use renewable energy such as wind and solar.
There are many challenges in front of the new president, but none of the challenges will be insurmountable if Obama and his administration take an open, transparent and inclusive approach to solving the problems. We wish him and his administration the best.

Obama starts job after historic inauguration

Barack Obama Wednesday started the job of hauling his crisis-weary nation out of its ‘winter of hardship’ by taking action to halt Guantanamo trials and convening top economic and foreign policy aides.
His first move came in the form of an order to prosecutors at the controversial military tribunals in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, seeking a suspension of the trial proceedings.
Military judges were expected to rule later Wednesday on the request, which would halt until May the military trials of five alleged plotters of the September 11, 2001 attacks as well as a Canadian held on accusations of killing a US soldier in Afghanistan.
A day after Obama’s historic inauguration as the first black US president, key White House staff members were also set to pour into the presidential mansion, with the weight of financial and foreign policy threats suddenly resting on their shoulders.
Obama was due to spend the first part of his day seeking divine blessing for his presidency at a traditional prayer service at Washington’s National Cathedral.
Then he was expected to call in his top economic lieutenants to start the task of repairing the ruptured US economy and shepherd a huge 825-billion-dollar stimulus package through the US Congress.
In a sign of the tough task ahead, the Dow Jones Industrials Average plummeted four per cent on Obama’s first day in office Tuesday as investors were spooked by deep problems in the banking industry.
Obama was also expected to meet his top military leaders to fulfil a campaign promise — telling the generals to formulate a plan to get US troops out of Iraq, and reorienting military efforts towards the war in Afghanistan.
On Tuesday, Obama claimed his place in history as leader of a nation stained by the legacies of slavery and racial segregation, and told Americans they have to pull together to pick their way out of raging storms.
‘We have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord,’ Obama, 47, said in a sombre inaugural address to a stunning two million-strong crowd which took sharp issue with the two-term Republican presidency of George W Bush.
‘Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and they are many.
‘They will not be met easily, or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.’
The former Illinois senator took office amidst the worst economic crisis since the 1930s, with tens of thousands of US troops locked in Iraq and Afghanistan and a nuclear showdown with Iran looming.
Obama’s inauguration on the steps of the US Capitol, which was partially built with slave labour, broke the highest racial barrier in the United States and goes some way to reconciling civil rights leader Martin Luther King’s dream of racial unity.
Obama vowed to reclaim America’s place at the head of global powers, and signalled he would reject anti-terror tactics used by the Bush administration which critics say infringe US values.
‘We reject as false, the choice between our safety and our ideals,’ he said.
‘We are ready to lead once more.’
Several estimates put the crowd on the National Mall at more than two million, and many in the throng wept as the new president spoke.
Obama also sent an immediate message to the rest of the world, and Islamic nations in particular, after America’s ties with some of its top allies were tarnished during the Bush years, especially over the Iraq war.
‘To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.’
But he also warned that those who would use ‘terror’ and slaughter innocents to threaten the United States would face an uncompromising response.
‘Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. We say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.’
He called on Americans to launch a ‘new era of responsibility’ as the economy sinks deep into recession, brought on by massive stocks of bad mortgages and debt.
He pledged that the United States would join other nations in rolling back ‘the spectre of a warming planet.’
London-based human rights watchdog Amnesty International welcomed Obama’s move on Guantanamo but said all charges against detainees should be dropped and those held at the camp should be tried within the US federal justice system.
It said the move was ‘a step in the right direction, but must be promptly cemented into a permanent abandonment of these unfair proceedings.’

Burden of hope


WITH Barack Obama’s inauguration on Tuesday, arguably the most ignominious chapter in the US presidency has, thankfully, come to an end. After eight years of George W Bush at the White House — a period that has been symbolised by brazen violations of the US constitution and a mockery of the rule of law at home and internationally, not to mention that it was one of the most reticent, inflexible and doctrinaire administrations in many years — change has indeed come to Washington. But the new president inherits the Oval Office at the most challenging of times. When Barack Obama started his campaign for the highest office in the early days of 2007, America was already in the midst of two difficult wars. By the time he was elected president in November 2008, the US economy had completely tanked as well, bringing with it record unemployment. Between his election and his inauguration, Israel unleashed the most brutal massacre on the people of Gaza, not only cancelling but reversing any progress that had been made in the past decade and a half in finding a final and acceptable solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. It goes without saying that this new president will not be able to enjoy a honeymoon period; he has not been afforded one. The Obama administration will have to start handling, from day one, multiple crises at the same time. It will be a daunting challenge, but it also offers the new president an amazing opportunity to lead his country and the world in a radically different direction.
Even with all that is going on around the world, Obama’s first priority will have to be to revive the US economy. The people voted for him in the midst of great economic uncertainty because they felt that he was the best person to lead America out of its current economic and financial crisis. In the short-term, the Obama administration will have to figure out the best way to spend the remaining half of the $700 billion bailout package which was approved by congress at the end of last year. In addition, the administration will have to figure out an effective stimulus package, which may be worth close to a trillion dollars and include a significant middle-class tax break, to jumpstart the economy. The new president has put together an impressive economic team to help him through this tricky period, as he first tries to prevent the bottom from falling through altogether and then tries to build the economy back up.
President Obama, in the medium-term, will have to find ways to create hundreds of thousands of new jobs. On the campaign trail, Obama had talked up his plan to spend $150 billion over the next ten years on alternative energy to reduce America’s dependence on foreign oil, and had said that his plan would create millions of new, ‘green’ jobs. Whether he will still be able to find the money to do that, given the reality following the economic collapse, is yet unclear. However, since the energy issue was a top priority for Obama during the campaign, chances are that his administration will put particular emphasis on finding the money to invest in this sector. The Obama administration is also likely to invest heavily on infrastructure, rebuilding America’s ageing roads and bridges, as a way to put large numbers of people back to work. Ultimately, however, the Obama administration will have to find ways to improve the competitiveness of the American workforce to slow down the surge of American jobs being sent overseas. There is little hope of reversing that trend in the short to medium-term, but this may be possible, to an extent, in the long-term.
On the home front, Obama’s other challenge will be to deliver on universal health insurance in America. Bill Clinton had won the presidency in 1992 on the back of his promise to provide universal health insurance, only for his attempt to fail so spectacularly that it almost doomed his presidency. The Obama administration will have to heed the lessons of that failed attempt, and equally importantly, will have to build a bipartisan coalition in congress to pass new legislation to ensure healthcare for all Americans. Once again, whether he will have the money to do this in the near-term is uncertain, but the Obama presidency provides a real chance for America to finally have universal health insurance.
If the new president’s domestic problems are challenging, his problems overseas are worse. Much of the gains made by American troops in Afghanistan in the early days of the ill-advised ‘war on terror’, when they managed to remove the Taliban government and put in place the US-friendly regime of Hamid Karzai, have been lost in the intervening years, thanks to the shift in focus to Iraq. Taliban are now in the ascendancy in Afghanistan and control vast areas of land which had been freed from their control. At the same time, there has been little progress towards a political solution in Iraq, even though the US-led ‘surge’ did lead to a decrease in violence in the country. Obama, who was against the US-led invasion of Iraq from the very beginning, had promised during the campaign to take all US forces out of the country within 16 months of his entering the White House. But given the fragile security situation in the country, whether he will be able to stick to the time-frame and avoid letting the country descend into complete chaos is anyone’s guess.
Regardless of what his military top-brass advises him to do, Obama ought to go with his first instinct and draw down troop levels in Iraq quickly and responsibly. After all, for as long as Iraq remains under US occupation, the chances of a political solution are extremely slim. In Afghanistan, Obama’s plan includes sending additional brigades to push back Taliban once again from areas where they have regained control. That may work as a short-term strategy, just as the ‘surge’ appeared to work in Iraq, but will not provide a long-term solution. For that, the United States under Obama needs to provide significant development assistance to Afghanistan over a period of years to rebuild the country and its economy so that the people of the country themselves build a resistance towards obscurantist forces like Taliban which only want to take the country back to the Middle Ages.
Whether in Iraq or in Afghanistan, one hopes that the Obama administration will realise that there is no military solution to the problems. That is what the Bush administration never tried to understand, and that is what got the United States into the messes that it is in. Obama as commander-in-chief will have to take a new approach to the problems of Afghanistan and Iraq, and by extension, will have to take a new approach to fighting international terrorism altogether. It will have to realise that the best way to do so is to do it together with the international community, in keeping with national and international laws, and by showing the strictest adherence to the rule of law and commitment to human rights. Shutting down the detention camp in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba immediately and stopping altogether all forms of torture of ‘enemy combatants’ will not only be a good start but would demonstrate to the international community that Obama’s America will be vastly different from Bush’s America.
President Obama will also be expected to delve right into the Arab-Israeli conflict to try to do what so many of his predecessors have failed to do: find a permanent solution acceptable to both sides the Palestinians and the Israelis. President Bush was the first American president to openly advocate a two-state solution, which appeared to be a major step forward at first, but did nothing during his eight years in office to make it a reality. Instead, the Bush administration provided near blanket support to Israel all throughout, which gave Israel the confidence to carry out the brutal and systematic massacre of Gaza that it had done in the last few weeks. If Obama is to have any hope of succeeding where so many US presidents have failed, he will have to begin by proving that he is an honest broker, unlike his immediate predecessor. If he can do that, there is a possibility that he will be able to restore peace in the short-term and move towards a more permanent settlement in the long-term. There are rumours that the Obama administration will appoint former senator George Mitchell as Middle East envoy to negotiate between the Palestinians and the Israelis. If true, this will immediately signify that the Obama administration is willing to engage with the parties at a far deeper level than the Bush administration was ever ready to do. This will be a step in the right direction, and the choice of Mitchell — who had significant success in brokering a peace deal in Northern Ireland and also worked on the Arab-Israeli conflict under President Clinton — suggests that Obama is serious about finding a lasting solution, rather than providing mere lip service to a two-state strategy.
So great are the new president’s immediate challenges that it is difficult to see how he will give attention to so many of the other major problems that he will face in the Oval Office. This president will not only be expected to revive a failing economy and end wars, he will also be expected to slow down climate change, keep America safe from terrorism, provide health insurance, improve education standards, and deal with a myriad problems from energy to immigration to crime. He will have to challenge America to reach new heights, while at the same time managing expectations from his administration. Barack Obama is now in a position of great privilege, but he also has the most unenviable of jobs. One this is for sure though, given the immediate challenges that he faces, how he handles his first few months in the Oval Office is almost certain to make or break his presidency.

Obama makes history: America votes for change


FOR the first time in history, an African-American won the White House. This indeed is historic. To my mind it is not so much historic because Obama is an American citizen by birth, struggled to get good professional education, ran for public service position to become a Senator, and has every right to contest and win the highest executive post on merit. Why should his ancestry (in a land of immigrants) and the colour of his skin make his achievement historical? Is that not based on the assumption that a non-white is less of a citizen and has fewer rights?
What, however, is historic is the dawn of change in the political process in America that Obama’s victory ushers. To be more specific, the return of faith in American dream of equal opportunities, the breaking of the sound barrier of race and colour that effectively denied equal rights to minorities and blacks in particular, the triumph of reason and rationale over blind prejudice, and above all the groundswell of enthusiasm and energy of millions of young and educated voters made the history. Never before these 2008 elections did so many rallied behind a call for change, seldom did so many volunteer so much effort and energy in election campaign. The youth invested in hope and yearned for change in the political landscape, and give a new start. Those are the things that made history. The long, hard contest between the Republicans and Democrats is history already past. The time to rejoice is over; the future is waiting to happen. History 20 or 30 years from now will tell how well and how much history was made by this unprecedented and enormous victory.
Now that victory is in hand, the real task has just begun. As the president-elect told the climb will be steep, time will be needed. Those millions who invested so much in hope and faith to change America such that it is fairer, kinder, more just and humane at home and abroad have to remain engaged in a long, hard struggle; even those who lost the contest have an obligation to participate as well as a right to be listened to with respect.
Barack Obama, young as he is, did show remarkable maturity in his victory night address to more than 200,000 supporters at Chicago. He spoke with now-familiar eloquence that inspired but also tempered his speech with sober reminder of the enormity of the task ahead; did not fail to extend a hand of accommodation and sought cooperation of his ‘opponents’. Thus, the signs are good; hope is alight.
Barack Obama has already spelt out some of his future agenda as president. These include domestic policies on economy and jobs, on taxes and spending, on education and employment. The legacy left by the outgoing administration is riddled with dire dilemmas of which the current economic meltdown is the foremost priority. All assessments point to the inevitability of deep structural changes in economy and finance so hard to bring about given the past decades of laissez faire and blanket de-regulation. Obama faces an unenviable yet unavoidable task to be accomplished against stubborn entrenched interests of neo-liberal economists. He will need the determination and grit he could possibly command. He will also need the consent and cooperation of the Congress to help passage of legislation he proposes. He could have done well with a two-thirds majority in the senate which did not come about.
American public have not been much concerned about deeper domestic policy issues other than those that affect them directly. That is why the public dislike taxes while their representatives vote to support war abroad to commit huge tax revenues in war effort. Iraq and Afghanistan are two inglorious, if not notorious, examples. There could be more as long as the US president and the Congress choose to conduct foreign policy based upon an exaggerated and unilateral notion of national security. The Bush doctrine of pre-emption and ‘war on terror’ has been two dangerous adventures.
Indeed Obama had opposed war on Iraq. Now as incumbent he has to steer his way through a withdrawal with ‘responsibility’. Commitment in haste does not allow disentanglement in haste as well. So much blood has spilt, treasures spent with so little to show for it.
While pledged to withdraw from Iraq, he has committed himself to send more troops to the Afghan theatre. How well that would play out is open to question. His NATO allies are not ready to commit combat troops.
The hardest choice with potential of widening the conflict is his stated wish to conduct military operations inside Pakistan territory. The implications are not all predictable. But certainly yet another war front is fraught with danger.
Saving money in Iraq and spending in Afghanistan and extend war on Pakistan might not prove a good military or economic option. There has to be another way. Recent past shows enough evidence to suggest it is easy to launch war but difficult to either win quickly or withdraw by choice.
Observers would know the US foreign policy has been consistent across the Republican and Democratic Party lines. As long as ‘national interests and national security’ are perceived as supreme needs and unilaterally secured, if necessary, the US would be obliged to put ‘all options on the table’ including an intimidating military option to browbeat the non-compliers. How well that would continue to work and at what cost are things the new president might do well to ponder and act upon. Would Obama command the ingenuity to forge a new policy, one tempered by alternatives that could make him appear to be a weak commander-in-chief something he has been repeatedly accused of?
The good thing is: Obama did commit himself to opening dialogue with adversaries without preconditions. That would go well with Iran and Syria. One hopes he can carry through this approach without giving in to the domestic pressures to the contrary.
Elections rhetoric is one thing. Obama’s open-ended commitment and his support to Jerusalem as the eternal capital of Israel did not raise the level of confidence in the Arab world. How he will accomplish peace in the Middle East remains an open challenge. I am not even mentioning other hotspots like Iran, like Russia asserting its lost role as a superpower.
Foreign policy issues are formidable enough. Assumptions by his predecessor proved wrong and dangerous. He has to chart changes and invent new yet uncertain or untested approaches.
While the domestic economy plunges into recession it might spare him less time and resources to engage vigorously in foreign policy issues. Yet the legacy he inherits permits him the leisure or luxury to do so.
Now that Obama has raised so much hope and inspired so many within America and abroad he has to deliver, at least a few things. He could make history by charting a course that corrects the deep economic anomalies and restores leadership with responsibility. Reforms within must precede the call for cooperation from other emerging global economies.
If he could deliver reforms at home, if he could restore the image of his country in the international community as a credible, responsible power with benign posture in relation to the weaker ones he will be making history. In doing that he would change the political process and culture of the US for not just now but for decades ahead.
The US still is the leader with potential to do great things at home and abroad. The US need not earn that leadership by show of force but by setting examples of its moral values and an abiding faith in justice and fairer international order.
Would Obama at the end of his first or second term in office leave that kind of legacy? We do not know. Elections anywhere raise high hopes. This one did inspire many and elevated hoes at home and abroad. If even a part of those are realised Barack Obama would have made what is truly historic, not by his ancestry or colour of skin but by making a contribution that changed the course of America and thereby rest of the world. Many of those who did not support his election would not grudge his success. Those who rallied to make him win would keep their hopes alive.

Change we need, change we may not get


BARACK Obama’s election as the American president is perceived as a victory on many fronts. Not to mention that he is the first African-American president, Obama almost embodies the American dream. Born of a Kenyan immigrant father and a white American mother, Obama has grown up poor. His resounding victory leaves little doubt that the American people have indeed voted for change. This change is not merely limited to choosing Democrats over Liberals or a younger candidate over an older one. Obama’s victory heralds a new chapter; it breaks away from long-held traditions which had been considered almost impossible.
The president-elect has on several times stated that he wants to spread the wealth around, and asserted his belief that the state should play a larger role in education and health. His campaign pledges indicate that he would raise taxes of corporations and big businesses, and use the revenue for rebates to middle-income families and public services that would largely benefit the middle classes.
His economic plan includes expenditure of $50 billion to jumpstart the US economy and protection of one million jobs. Obama has also pledged to introduce a windfall profit tax on oil company revenues to pay for rebates for the working families. Given the rising costs, he intends to provide up to a $1,000 in rebates for every American family. Obama also proposes disincentives for companies that outsource jobs and incentives for those that create employment in the United States.
Obama proposes an expenditure of $150 billion over ten years for a greener economy by encouraging production of hybrid cars that will run on electricity to save fossil fuel consumption and overcome American dependence on West Asia or Venezuela for energy security. As part of his plan to ensure energy security, Obama will continue to pursue promotion of biofuel production, which is already heavily subsidised.
Obama has pledged to ‘review’ the North American Free Trade Agreement and amend it such manner that it helps American workers. On the trade front, the president-elect ‘will fight for a trade policy that opens up foreign markets to support good American jobs.’ Obama intends to use trade agreements to spread good labour and environmental standards around the world and stand firm against agreements like the Central American Free Trade Agreement that fail to live up to those important benchmarks. They will also pressure the World Trade Organisation to enforce trade agreements and stop countries from continuing unfair government subsidies to foreign exporters and non-tariff barriers on US exports.
The American middle class and the working people can indeed expect positive changes in their lives and livelihoods. Obama’s plan to increase state spending in education and health will presumably also help reduce poverty and, more importantly, the rising disparity and hunger in the US. He has pledged to protect American jobs and industries with state spending and subsidies. That is all very good for the American people.
For the rest of the world, however, this change of American presidency would bring about few noticeable changes in terms of foreign policy. As far as trade is concerned, which is perhaps one of the major concerns for Bangladesh, Obama has already indicated his protectionist attitude. It would mean that Bangladeshi apparel manufacturers would continue to face high, if not even higher, tariffs if it helps protect the industries and jobs in the US.
When it comes to trade agreements, Obama will aggressively pursue such policies that generate employment in the US. He ‘will use these agreements to open up markets abroad and reduce subsidies in other countries and do away with non-tariff barriers applied to American goods.’ It means that, while he would adopt more protectionism for the US economy, his government would be aggressively looking towards liberalising the trade regime of other countries.
It also means that, while the US applies tariffs to the Bangladeshi apparels and firmly rejects the possibility of reducing them, the Obama administration would seek to tear down protectionist barriers in Bangladesh, or any other country, that prevent entry of American goods and services to protect jobs and industries. His position regarding trade agreements also hints at moving away from the accepted ‘less than full reciprocity’ between poor countries and developed countries in trade negotiations to reciprocal concessions.
Bangladeshi manufacturers as well as the establishment have pinned their hopes on the New Partnership for Development Act that includes provisions for the much-sought duty-free market access to the US market. There was already strong opposition within the US, as well as the African lobby, against Bangladesh receiving such concessions. Under Obama, those concessions would become even more difficult to secure.
In fact, in response to a questionnaire of National Council of Textile Organisations, dated October 24, the president-elect pledged to support almost all the points that the textile council advocated. This same council has thus far, even as recently as on September 25, opposed the idea of duty-free access for Bangladeshi products to the US market. They point out that the textile industry is among the largest sectors in the US employing some 700,000 people.
There is little indication that America’s agricultural policies or the targets set out by its energy bill will be altered by the Obama administration. Obama’s energy plan clearly states that his administration would continue to encourage biofuel production and, given his protectionist attitude about creating more jobs in the US, it is unlikely that it would shift from corn-based ethanol, no matter how inefficient it is in terms carbon emission. The US under Obama would remain firmly on course to meet its target of producing 10 per cent automobile fuel from ethanol.
It has been argued repeatedly by most of the international research organisations and institutions that biofuel production has had significant impact on food crisis. Obama’s administration, together with a similar European target, would contribute to further aggravate the global food crisis. His policies would still pit empty fuel tanks against empty stomachs and American subsidies for biofuel production—about $7 billion in 2007—would make that even more unequal and unjust.
Obama’s presidency is unlikely to bring about changes in its institutions or other international agencies and their policies. If anything, these institutions and agencies would become even more active in imposing conditions on poor countries to liberalise their economies and reduce their subsidies since they do not make economic sense and encourage inefficiency. The same conditions, however, would not apply for the US where billions would be spent to shore up manufacturing sectors. Subsidies and incentives will be handed out to ensure that companies do not outsource their jobs and continue to employ Americans, no matter how inefficient or how much more costly they may be. It is unlikely that other developing countries would be allowed to do the same though.
Thus, aid agencies of the American establishment will continue to pursue projects that eventually end up ensuring increased business and opportunity for American consultants and companies. The multinational corporations that control American policies will continue to dominate and exert influence fulfilling their own interest through US role across the world. For instance, the top contributors to Obama’s campaign include Microsoft Corporation, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan, Citigroup and UBS, according to the Centre for Responsive Politics, a research group tracking money in US politics. Microsoft has driven the US agenda to implement intellectual property rights, while UBS, a leading financial firm in the world has interests in Asia Energy, which proposes to set up an open-pit coalmine in Phulbari.
In all likelihood, the Obama administration government will succeed in making the life of an average American better. But outside its borders, US policies will hardly change. Except that in Obama, quite like George W Bush’s immediate predecessor, and very much unlike Bush himself, there will be a good orator who successfully created a façade but furthered American imperialist interests all the same.

America makes a new tryst with destiny


THE magic word ‘change’ and the magic number ‘270’ have both finally clicked. Change with a capital C. Wednesday’s mid-morning news bulletin announced that Barack Obama’s electoral college votes had crossed the winning figure of 270 while votes of some states were yet to be counted. What was more, he had upset predictions for some traditional Republican bastions. After eight years, 3 trillion dollars in war expenditure, economic meltdown, demonstrable futility of the policy of countering terror with terror and nearly four thousand American body bags, the voters have taken the right decision. Common Americans, like the common people everywhere, do not want war, although they can be faulted for their unthinking consumerism and uncaring attitude towards the wide world as long as cheap oil (‘gas’, as they call it) and cheap food are ensured. This time they have learnt that you have to fight for these things also.
This was not a closely fought presidential contest as in 1960 and 2000. As the election was approaching the result was becoming more and more predictable. But predictability did not take away from its excitement. Some US presidential elections and election campaigns were more interesting than others. This year too the contest was more exhilarating than a mere leap year event like the Olympic Games. The record turnout in this election shows that common Americans are not as apolitical as generally thought. An important reason for the high turnout may be that a higher proportion of African-Americans voted than usual. There was a time when they were too afraid to go to the polling booth. And the youth were less indifferent this time. Muslims may also have participated in greater numbers. A call was made from mosques upon the Muslims to exercise their voting right, without promoting any individual candidate. Hispanic Americans too were traditionally less enthusiastic about voting. Immigration, a hot topic among Muslims and Hispanics, is very much on the agenda of Barack Obama, the son of an immigrant.
Anything unconventional easily draws attention and in this unconventionality is packed global political and economic implications which are almost impossible to entirely foresee and gauge. We can leave aside the comic element introduced in this highly serious affair in the person of Sarah Palin, who came in suddenly from nowhere and seemed not to know a thing or two about politics and election and America and instead lent some hilarity to the tense atmosphere. It is unfortunate that the first female vice-presidential nominee in US history should prove herself to be a bull in a china shop.
It can be argued, of course, that it is vain to be too effusive about Barack Obama because, after all, from the point of view of the policy on arms race, the Middle East and oil interests the difference between Democrat and Republican candidates in all elections has been just as much as between Tweedledee and Tweedledum. Will it be different this time? No one should forget that here is a president who has promised the Zionists that undivided Jerusalem shall be the capital of Israel. Then is it justifiable to hope for a new turn? True, but sometimes the style not only matters but even makes an impact on the substance. And the political process can somewhat chasten politics itself. In foreign relations Obama’s emphasis has all along been on engagement and dialogue, words which were an anathema to George W Bush who was continuously threatening that he had ‘all options on the table’ (including military strike against non-complying states).
The election was mainly fought on economic platform at the time of meltdown. Honesty and candour in a different situation would have created sympathy for a candidate but at this time of meltdown it did not help McCain to confess that he is not knowledgeable about economics. And Obama is known as the most left-wing senator. High taxes and high public spending can be a viable option now. This may bring Obama in conflict with corporate interest. Record amount of money has been spent by both sides in this election. (Around $2.5 billion in total). Those who donated large amounts have axes to grind. McCain too is a Republican without being a neocon and he too would perhaps not toe the neocon line but then on economic matters he is a self-confessed ignoramus. Besides, the anti-incumbency factor acts even more strongly in times of economic downturn. Some have seen this election as a referendum against Bush-Cheney rule. Fortunately for Obama, the election took place at a time when George Bush’s popularity rating had sunk abnormally low (26 per cent).
Race and religion are still live electoral issues in the world’s strongest and second largest democracy. Forty-six years ago the Catholic John Kennedy had to face the religious question just because before him all presidents had been WASP (White, Anglo-Saxon Protestant). That rigidity has been broken. The new president has part Muslim genealogy. Not that the racial question was entirely muted. According to a recent survey conducted by Stanford University, Associated Press and Yahoo as cited by the Indian columnist MJ Akbar, some 10 per cent Americans are irredeemably racist and another 6 per cent are unconsciously so. Some dirty racial tricks were also played to stoke up prejudice. (In Pennsylvania, a ‘swing’ state, they planted a young white woman who alleged that she had been molested by a tall and muscular black man who also branded her face for opposing Obama. Her story was even televised before a further scrutiny was able to call the bluff and she herself acknowledged having been planted. As election prank the drama could have been amusing but for the fact that it is deeply racist in form, content and flavour).
There is no disputing that racism persists but there is another way of looking at things. The fact that surmounting all the odds an African-American is entering the White House is itself not only a positive change but one with revolutionary import. The glass of race relations is not only half-empty, it is also half-filled. The American media, which made itself contemptible by its servility to the establishment and acquiring the epithet ‘embedded’, played a commendable role in this case by not letting the race issue surface. Not only will the global media see a new face, everyone hopes the new face will be less arrogant. No one can question that the USA is, still, the world’s most powerful state, but powerful entities are not necessarily arrogant which unfortunately and unnecessarily George W Bush made his country appear.
During the campaign both the candidates said they would include persons from the opposition in the government. Is it an attempt towards national unity in a time of financial crisis? Massive challenges await the new president. He opposed the Iraq war, opposed the surge in troops and has pledged to end the war. To oppose the war before it had begun was easy; to disentangle his country keeping its interest intact and bequeathing peace to the Iraqi people is not easy. He will reduce taxes for the poor, give more attention to healthcare, bring drastic changes in education and limit dependence on energy. Also, he will resolve the immigration issue.
It will be wrong to find significance of the change by contrasting the new programmes only with the eight inglorious Bush years. If we look further behind, fifty or sixty years, it will be clear that a sea change has come about. Racism persists but is denied any public space. A presidential candidate was branded a socialist by opponents and yet he sweeps the polls, non-whites, immigrants and the poor feel empowered. All this could be accomplished through a slow and democratic political process. The world can still be made a better place. What Obama will achieve remains in the womb of the future but for the present this election has brought considerable prestige for the US. By prioritising education the Harvard trained Obama addresses a growing deficiency in the quality of American leadership. George Bush’s ignorance was proverbial, his father’s running mate vice-president Dan Quale caused a storm through America by failing to correctly spell the word ‘potato’, the other day Sarah Palin could not name a single American newspaper. Hope Obama can successfully play his part as an early agent of this change.

Obama writes new chapter in US history

WE HEARTILY congratulate Democrat Barack Obama for his historic and spectacular victory over Republican John McCain in the US presidential elections. The historic nature of Obama’s election as the 44th president of the United States cannot be overstressed. In August, he had become the first African-American to be nominated for the presidency by a major party and yesterday, he became the first African-American to become the president-elect, 44 years after the signing of the Civil Rights Act and 40 years after the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jnr. On January 20, 2009, he will be sworn-in as the first black man to occupy the White House.
In the year Barack Obama was born, the United States was a country segregated by race. Slavery may have been abolished a hundred years prior, but African-Americans were still considered lesser beings and treated as second-class citizens, if that; they were made to go to different schools than whites and could sit only at the back of buses and trains in order to make space for white people in the front. That was the America into which Barack Obama was born. Forty-seven years on, racial undercurrents still remain in the US, palpable in some areas more than others; however, for Obama today to stand on the verge of entering the highest office in the land on the back of a landslide victory over a white opponent is not only a phenomenal achievement but will, at least in part, we hope, exorcise the spectre of America’s racist past that continues to haunt the nation.
There is something for us to learn from Obama’s election as America’s first black president. While Obama’s own political rise may have been meteoric, it should not be forgotten that it took a very long time for blacks in America to establish their political and democratic rights as equal citizens, and even longer for them to see one of their own elected as the country’s chief executive. Moreover, the positive change that has happened in America with regard to the African-American population in particular and minority communities in general has been achieved gradually through the political process, whether it is the 13th amendment to the US constitution that abolished slavery in 1865, the signing of the Civil Rights Act ending racial discrimination in 1964 or Obama’s election to the nation’s top office in 2008. Nothing was achieved through quick-fix measures, suspension of rights, coercion or violence. Hence, we should realise that, just like in America, the positive changes that we wish for in the nature of politics in our country will only occur with time if we try to bring them about through the political process, not by circumventing it.
Today, just like most of the rest of the world, we cannot help but feel optimistic as Bush’s America gives way to Obama’s America. The US remains the only country that is relevant and influential in every part of the world, and hence, the election of an American president affects the peace, harmony and well-being of all the people in the world. We have much expectation from a President Obama and would like to see him take a much more nuanced and pragmatic approach to economic and foreign policy, especially after eight years of living with the obtuse and dogmatic George W Bush. Hence, as we wish Obama well, we do so with a caveat. The entire world now looks upon him to give a new direction to American leadership, which he himself has promised over and over again during the course of his campaign. We hope he doesn’t fail in his endeavour.

Profile of Obama

Barack Obama, the Democratic presidential candidate, was elected the 44th president of the United States on Tuesday.
The 47-year-old senator from Illinois promises to bring ‘changes we believe in,’ which could begin with being the first African American president in history.
Obama’s life tells a different story from previous presidential hopefuls. He was born on August 14, 1961 in Honolulu, Hawaii, to a Kenyan father and a white mother from the state of Kansas, in the US heartland.
However, his father left home only two years after his birth for a graduate degree in Harvard and then a post in the Kenyan government. The only time Obama met his father again was at the age of 10. He was killed in an automobile accident in 1982.
Obama’s mother married an Indonesian oil executive when Obama was six. The whole family then moved to the southeast Asian country. He eventually returned to Hawaii for high school and stayed with his grandparents.
As he says in his book, Dreams From My Father, being rooted in both black culture and white culture, has helped him gain expansive vision he could bring to politics later. After graduating from Columbia University in 1983, Obama was ‘possessed with a crazy idea — that I would work at a grassroots level to bring about change.’
He moved from New York to Chicago, Illinois, in 1985 and worked as a community organiser in a poor African-American area for three years, when he realised involvement at a higher level was needed to bring true improvement to such communities.
Obama then attended Harvard Law School and was elected the first black president of the Harvard Law Review. After graduation, he returned to Chicago where he practiced civil rights law and taught the Constitution at the University of Chicago.
Obama decided to make his first run for public office in 1996, winning a seat in the Illinois state senate. Four years later, he sought a seat in the US House of Representatives, but without success.
In 2004, Obama beat six Democratic rivals to win the nomination in the congressional elections. His remarkable skills in oratory also impressed the party’s presidential candidate, John Kerry, who named him the keynote speaker at the national convention, where Obama, for the first time, stepped on the national political stage.
That November, he overwhelmingly captured 70 per cent of popular votes in the congressional elections to become a senator.
In the Senate, Obama’s voting record coincided with those of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. He criticised the Iraq war from the beginning, worked on Congress ethical standards and increasing the use of renewable fuels. He also built his reputation as a new breed of politician by working without partisan and racial divides.
Obama announced his bid for the White House on February 10, 2007, in Springfield, Illinois, where former president Abraham Lincoln had delivered a speech in 1858.
He joined seven other politicians in the Democratic camp, including former first lady and New York senator, Hillary Rodham Clinton. In the first half of 2007, he raised 58 million US dollars, setting the record for fundraising by a presidential campaign in the first six months of the calendar year before the elections, although he trailed Clinton in national polls in 2007.
However, Obama was highly successful in enlisting supporters, especially among youth, minorities and those with higher education, and mapped a strategy to campaign not only in primary states but also caucus states. In the first caucuses held in Iowa on January 3, 2008, he scored a surprising victory.
After the Super Tuesday of February 5, Obama tied Hillary. With victories in 10 more consecutive contests over the rest of February, he surpassed her to become the most likely nominee. Finally, on June 3, he clinched the presidential candidacy.
On August 29, Obama and his running mate Joe Biden told the Democratic national convention that he would bring the changes the country needs and ‘revive the American dream.’
He has promised that if elected, he will take the country in a new direction by withdrawing US combat troops from Iraq with responsibility, enacting universal and affordable healthcare and adopting tax policies favouring lower- and middle-income families.
During the national campaign, he led Republican rival John McCain not only in polling numbers but also in campaign funding.
Obama met his wife, Michelle Robinson, in June 1989 when he worked at a Chicago law firm. They married on October 3, 1992, and have two daughters, Malia Ann and Natasha.

Americans vote for change Barack Obama makes history


Barack Obama swept to an historic and decisive victory as the first black US president, but pleaded for time to heal and transform the superpower as he faced up Wednesday to the huge task of forging his promised change.
‘It’s been a long time coming, but tonight... at this defining moment, change has come to America,’ Obama told 240,000 euphoric supporters, many in tears, at a rally late Tuesday after defeating Republican John McCain.
Obama, 47, will be inaugurated as the 44th US president on January 20, and inherit an economy mired in financial crisis, wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and a nuclear showdown with Iran.
‘Even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime, two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century,’ said Obama.
‘The road ahead will be long, our climb will be steep, we may not get there in one year or even one term, but America — I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there,’ Obama said in his home town of Chicago.
‘I promise you — we as a people will get there.’
Senator Obama solidified traditional Democratic states and cut deep into the Republican territory which his rival needed to control to win the White House.
Obama’s win was greeted with euphoria across the United States and reverberated around the world.
New York’s Times Square exploded in joy at a moment of healing for America’s racial scars, and a screaming crowd gathered outside the White House. In Kenya, where Obama’s father was born, the president, Mwai Kibaki, declared a national holiday.
Celebrations erupted from the bars of London and Sydney, with parties spilling onto the streets from Berlin to Havana and from Paris to the small Japanese town of Obama.
Democrats also made huge strides in Congress, gaining an unshakeable grip on power in Washington. They boosted their majority in the Senate by five seats, with results still pending in four states, and by 20 seats in the lower House of Representatives.
After a bitter campaign, McCain was gracious in defeat, and noted that his election was a moment to cherish for African Americans.
Deeply unpopular president George W Bush, who has been in control through eight turbulent years, also congratulated Obama.
‘Mr President-elect, congratulations to you,’ White House spokeswoman Dana Perino quoted the president as saying in a phone call to Obama.
‘What an awesome night for you, your family and your supporters. Laura and I called to congratulate you and your good bride.’
Obama’s inauguration will complete a stunning ascent to the pinnacle of US and global politics from national obscurity just four years ago and close an eight-year era of deepening international and economic crises under Bush.
Obama is promising to renew bruised ties with US allies, and to engage some of the United States’ fiercest foes such as Iran and North Korea. He has vowed to tackle climate change and ensure health care access for all Americans. Some 45 million Americans have no health care whatsoever.
His presidency also marks a stunning social shift, with Obama, the son of a black Kenyan father and white mother from Kansas, the first African American president of a nation still riven by racial divides.
Forty-five years after civil rights icon Martin Luther King laid out his ‘dream’ of racial equality, Obama’s election broke new barriers and may have helped heal some of the moral wounds left by slavery and the US civil war.
When he launched his campaign on a chilly day in Illinois in February 2007, Obama forged a mantra of change which powered him through the longest, most costly US presidential campaign in history.
His success looked likely after he captured Pennsylvania, the battleground state which was McCain’s best hope of winning a Democratic state and keeping his rival from the White House.
And in a sweet moment for Democrats, Obama also seized the key midwestern states of Ohio, Iowa and Indiana as well as the southwestern state of New Mexico, all states won by Bush in 2004.
He later added Ohio, the decisive state which swept Bush to victory in 2004 and another Republican state, Virginia, which had not voted Democrat since 1964. He also won Florida, ground zero of the 2000 recount debacle.
McCain had argued Obama was too inexperienced to be US commander-in-chief and would pursue ‘socialist’ redistribution policies that would leave the economy mired in recession.
As of early Wednesday he had won 28 states, including the district of Columbia, for 349 electoral votes.
McCain had won 20 states but had not broken out of the Republican heartland and the south for 159 electoral votes.
Results were still pending in the states of North Carolina and Missouri, according to television networks.
In the Senate, Democrats wrested control of five Republican seats including in the traditionally Republican state of Virginia, followed by New Hampshire, North Carolina and New Mexico, reaching a 56 seat majority in the 100-seat chamber.
Republican Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell clung on in Kentucky, meaning Democrats were unlikely to win the 60 seats they need in the 100-seat chamber needed to frustrate Republican obstruction tactics.
Senate races in Alaska, Minnesota, Georgia and Oregon however were still too close to call.
Democrats also won 20 seats in the House of Representatives, solidifying their majority to 258 against 177 of the Republicans, according to data from NBC news.

C for change, also for charade


TRUE to script, the new US president, Barack Obama, has sought to define the tone and tenor of his administration as markedly different from that of his immediate predecessor, George W Bush. At a lighting speed, one may say. Two days into his tenure, Obama ordered the closure of the Guantánamo Bay prison and outlawed torture and secret CIA prisons abroad in what the international media termed ‘a far-reaching overhaul of the way the United States treats al-Qaeda detainees and other terror suspects.’ Obama also named two ‘hard-nosed’ negotiators — George Mitchell and Richard Holbrooke — as special envoys in the ‘geopolitical minefields’ of the Middle East, and Afghanistan and Pakistan. Each of these moves is regarded as ‘a sharp change of course from the policies’ of Bush and a promise fulfilled from a historic campaign.
True to form, Obama has sought to temper every tough choice that he makes with his election-winning mantras of ‘change’ and ‘need’ for the US to re-establish its leadership and show to the world that ‘America’s moral example must be the bedrock and the beacon of our global leadership.’ The word ‘change’ itself is intoxicating; it inebriates even the most incorrigible cynic. It also raises hopes — invariably to unrealistic highs. And hopes do get cruelly belied. When it does, ‘change’ and ‘charade’ sound synonymous, as they must do to the Palestinians now after Obama’s speech at the US State Department on January 22 wherein he outlined his administration’s vision of peace in the Middle East.
‘Let me be clear: America is committed to Israel’s security,’ Obama said. ‘And we will always support Israel’s right to defend itself against legitimate threats.’ Then, as if as an afterthought and seemingly out of his inherent urge to coat unpleasant truths with some feel-good sound-bites, he added, ‘Now, just as the terror of rocket fire aimed at innocent Israelis is intolerable, so, too, is a future without hope for the Palestinians.’
Throughout the section of his speech where the US dwelt upon the Israel-Palestinian conflict, he sought to put forward the age-old rhetoric, pursued as recently as his immediate predecessor, George W Bush. ‘No democracy can tolerate such danger to its people, nor should the international community, and neither should the Palestinian people themselves, whose interests are only set back by acts of terror,’ he said. He mentioned the loss of life in the Gaza Strip and southern Israel at same breath, as if the extent of ‘tragic violence’ was similar, if not the same, for both sides.
Then there was the same ‘things-to-do list’ as offered by the US and the so-called international community during the Bush years: ‘Hamas must meet clear conditions: recognise Israel’s right to exist; renounce violence; and abide by past agreements.’ What Israel, in return, needs to do? ‘Complete the withdrawal of its forces from Gaza.’ And the US and its partners? ‘Support a credible anti-smuggling and interdiction regime, so that Hamas cannot rearm.’
The assessment by the Obama administration of the realities on the ground in Gaza is deliberately eschewed, to say the least. Hamas did go by the six-month ceasefire agreement; Israel did not. According to the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Centre at the Israel Intelligence Heritage and Commemoration Centre, the total number of rocket and mortar attacks went down from 245 in June to a total of 26 for July through October (quoted in Complicity in Slaughter. Gaza by Rahnuma Ahmed, New Age, January 19, 2009). The relative lull was broken by Israel on the night of November 4 when it sent a commando squad into Gaza, killing six Hamas members.
As for the damage in the Gaza war, a look at the UN estimation is enough to see through the sham of an effort by the US administration to establish a semblance of symmetry between the damage sustained by the Gazans and the Israelis. Around 20 per cent of Gaza’s entire housing stock was hit – 4,000 homes destroyed and 20,000 severely damaged. The UN estimated on January 19 that 1,314 people were killed in the conflict, including 412 children, and more than 5,000 wounded. The figures released by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights on January 21 are very similar: 1,284 Gazans killed and 4,336 wounded.
Israel also violated international conventions at will and with impunity, as it has over the years. According to international media reports, the human rights watchdog Amnesty International has started investigation into Israel’s use of white phosphorous during the 22-day assault against Hamas in the Gaza strip. White phosphorous is an incendiary weapon and bursts into flames at the slightest contact; its use in civilian areas is banned under Protocol III on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Incendiary Weapons.
Obama must be aware of these facts; he should as the president of the most powerful nation on earth. Still his iteration of the clichéd narrative that ‘Hamas is the terrorist and Israel is the victim’. It could be only construed, especially by the Palestinians and the Arab world, as the sadly familiar American duplicity. The new White House needs to recognise that it is America’s immoral example that has eaten into its global leadership over the years. On this count, Obama may be just carrying on the legacy of George W Bush and the US presidents before him.
The hopes for a change in the US policy for the Middle East with the inauguration of Obama were unrealistic in the first place. After all, Obama is the president of the US and his prime concern is to protect and promote the interest of the US above all else. Needless to say, the US interest is enmeshed with that of Israel. One thrives on the other although one may argue they need not.
Obama is spot-on when he says lasting peace ‘requires more than a long ceasefire’. However, his promise of sustaining ‘an active commitment to seek two states living side by side in peace and security’, at this point in time and, particularly, after his defining speech at the US State Department, sounds more like a ‘charade’ than a genuine commitment to ‘change’.

Phulbari elections result is the writing on the wall

The message that people of Phulbari have delivered through the ballots at the upazila elections is loud and clear. They have voted overwhelming in favour of Saiful Islam Bablu running for chairman of the sub-district at the local government elections of January 22. Bablu’s political identity is largely defined by his membership of the citizens’ platform National Committee for the Protection of Oil, Gas, Mineral, Power and Ports and it is significant that he was instrumental in organising the popular movement against an open-pit coal mine in the area proposed by Asia Energy, a subsidiary of the UK-based Global Coal Management.
The previous elected government of the BNP-led alliance was forced to back out of the area and enter into an agreement with ‘the people of Phulbari’, which stipulated among others that open-pit mining in the area would be suspended and Asia Energy would be sent packing. At the local government elections, the people of Phulbari have once again said no to open-pit coal mining. They have also said no to the secrecy that successive governments have maintained regarding their deals with international mining companies especially concerning extraction of fossil fuels: a facet of energy deals that the Committee has consistently criticised.
This upazila election result at Phulbari also carries a message for the prime minister who has recently appointed Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury, a former secretary for power and energy, as a government adviser who will oversee the sector. In doing so, the prime minister has indicated that she is content with the services that Tawfiq provided during his tenure as a secretary to the government for energy. This appointment also indicates that the prime minister has chosen to ignore several allegations against the former bureaucrat especially regarding the instrumental role he had played to have one gas-field declared ‘abandoned’ and thereafter handed over to little-known Canadian mining company, Niko Resources. His role regarding the Magurchhara gas-field blowout, which was being operated by the oil company Occidental in 1996 has also been controversial and cited as one of the reasons that Bangladesh failed to secure proper compensations for environmental damages and burnt gas.
Governments of poor countries, as is often the case, enter into secret deals with mining companies and grant them rights to extraction, largely ignoring the interests of the people they govern. In Bangladesh the history of oil and gas exploration shows no exception to this experience.
However, the citizens’ platform has shown through its relentless campaign through the last decade that it can raise the awareness of the people and mobilise them in thousands demanding that their rights and welfare not be ignored. Power and energy remains one of the prime concerns for the current government and it will have to perform well in this sector which has been ignored for too long. The government, as well as the prime minister herself, would do well to heed the message the people of Phulbari have delivered.

AL must now prove seriousness of its rhetoric

The print and electronic media have carried numerous reports in the last couple of days about attempts by certain ministers of the present Awami League-led alliance government and members of parliament of the party to influence the results of the elections to the upazila parishads that were held on Thursday. Ministers and lawmakers of the ruling party allegedly visited polling centres, tried to influence voters, and even harassed and mishandled polls officials in some places. The Election Commission — which had sent an official letter to the cabinet division prior to the polls asking ministers, state ministers, deputy ministers and persons holding equivalent ranks to stay away from electioneering — has stated following the elections that it would investigate the actions of some cabinet members and lawmakers of the Awami League and, if necessary, initiate legal action against them for breach of electoral rules.
Meanwhile, top Awami League leaders, including Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, are reportedly annoyed with certain ministers and members of parliament of the party for their alleged infraction of electoral laws prior to and during the elections to the upazila parishads. A New Age report published Saturday quotes the agriculture minister, Matia Chowdhury, saying that the allegations against some of her party colleagues, if true, are ‘unfortunate’ and that the prime minister would not stand in the way of the Election Commission investigating and taking action against the wrongdoers. In addition, HT Imam, an adviser to the prime minister, was quoted as saying that the Awami League would also launch an investigation into the allegations brought against its members.
While it may be reassuring to some that the Awami League has not rejected outright the allegations brought against some of its members, as our major political parties typically do in similar situations, it must be said that the silence of the prime minister and Awami League president on the matter till now, and the lack of any concrete action thus far by the party are disconcerting. It should not be forgotten that a similar drama played out with regard to the violence that was unleashed by activists of the ruling party in the days following the general elections. Even then, the Awami League high command had expressed their disappointment and annoyance, but did not take any concrete action against those who were responsible for the violence. As a result, the violence went on unimpeded for several more days.
We think that a party that came to power on the back of its promise to bring ‘change’ to our political and governmental culture ought to have used these instances to prove that it intends to practice what it has preached, by taking swift action with regards to those against whom there are allegations of misconduct. Hence, the Awami League must extend full cooperation to the Election Commission in its investigations of the alleged breaches and be ready to take stern action against anyone found guilty of electoral misconduct. Unwillingness or failure to act firmly will only suggest that the Awami League was not serious in its rhetoric to bring qualitative change to our politics. On the other hand, proper action will send out a powerful message to all party leaders and workers about how they are expected to conduct themselves in public life. We expect the Awami League to act quickly and decisively.

SOUTH ASIA’S COUNTERTERRORISM Can a war-based western model work here?

COUNTERING terrorism is now firmly enlisted on South Asia’s menu with talks of cross-border platforms. However, one also needs to look at various counterterrorism models elsewhere to see if they have worked. Most dominating is the US approach which doesn’t have a record of containing terrorism effectively as of now. It ignores the political background of conflicts between various state powers that often, if not always, ignite ‘terrorism’. Nor does it explore the desire of states to exploit international situations for making internal political gains. This confusion may have contributed to increased terrorism and counterterrorism, gaining a legitimacy of sort.
While there are many kinds of terrorism generated by nationalist conflicts, it is the Islamic extremism that dominates global thinking, partly because it is now seen as a non-state ideological force in conflict with the US, the world’s leading power.
Yet by unpacking terrorism, it shows that although it is thought of as an international non-state enemy with a religious ideology, ‘terrorism’ also appears everywhere as a pre-state or state aspiring force. ‘Terrorism’ has increasingly become a state in waiting because the ‘terrorists’ want to establish a state of their own, whether it’s Taliban’s Afghanistan, al-Qaeda’s khilafat or the Hamas’s Islamic Palestine. Or Tamil Tiger’s Eelam state.
Contemporary ideas on violence are built on the premise that violence can be used to dominate other violent forces. It appears that both the US and al-Qaeda more or less believes in the same method on this regard. Both also claim the moral high ground. This outdated mode of conflict resolution has led to enormous global insecurity and suffering.

The quizzical Israel-US security relationship
The creation of Israel has generated a long phase of violence in the region that continues to pose as the biggest generator of threats, no matter whatever the logic behind its birth is. Anti-Israeli Arab powers have responded with violence showing very little gain. Over the years, Israel has become militarily and economically much superior to its neighbours and an internally democratic state to boot but it has not brought peace to the region and that continues to generate violence including terrorism for the rest of the world.
Many commentators argue that the Jewish lobby in the US is manipulating policy and generating support for Israel. But while there are around six million Jews in the US, they are only 2.5 per cent of the total population so they can’t have any electoral impact. While many of them are in positions of power and influence, especially in the media and finance, the clout claim is not proven by any evidence.
It’s true that anti-Muslim feeling is high in the US and this goes back to long before the 1967 war. It’s partly part of the traditional Christian-Islam rivalry over world domination which has a long history in a deeply religious fundamentalist country like the US. Criticising Israel is a death knell for any politician in North America because that would be interpreted as pro-Muslim which has the highest animosity rating there. The US media has played the biggest role in demonising Muslims because it panders to an overwhelming hostility to Muslim population selling a lopsided image in a country where the majority are religious partisans.
On the other hand, many Jews in the US are not only liberal but recent events show that of them there is a strong pro-human rights element that are increasingly vocal against Israeli policies of occupation. In fact, they have emerged as the most vocal critic of Israel today.

Why the US supports Israel?
The US became a major resource supplier of Israel only after the 1967 war when Israel occupied Arab territories and decimated all Arab armies in the region. Aid has helped Israel to the point that even if no US aid arrives in the next so many years, Israel would be still fine. The US Jews are influential but nowhere near the fundamentalist Zionist Christian lobby that is about 25 per cent of the US vote and control key electoral states that sent many to the White House.
Zionists Christians are actually anti-Jew in general but they support Israel and the status quo there because they believe in the Bible’s Book of Revelation, which says Jesus will come to earth again as the Messiah during the time when Jews are in occupation of Jerusalem. That has already happened in 1967. The book further says this will be followed by many catastrophes such as wars and diseases. Next will be the biggest war of them all, called the Battle of Armageddon when Satan will declare war on Jerusalem through the ‘Anti-Christ’ who many Christians think may be a Jew. The Bible states that when all appears hopeless for the Jews, Jesus will come. Jerusalem will arise again and all the remaining Jews not killed in the Battle of Armageddon will convert to Christianity. So unless Jews are in control of Jerusalem, Jesus can’t come and Christianity can’t prevail.
So though they dislike Jews they have a common cause. The Jews don’t believe in the Revelations but are happy to be supported by such a powerful lobby which also hates them. For example, Europe created a new state for Jews but not in Europe but the Middle East, which was far away from the inevitable conflicts the state creation would generate. The Jews in Europe who were always outsiders in Europe were sent out of it permanently. It had more to do with reducing conflict possibilities in European mainland than any other cause.
The US support for Israel after 1967 was linked to the objectives of the Cold War. While Israel was a US ally, Arabs were supported by the Soviet Union. The Middle East became the testing ground for countering and learning about weapons produced by the Soviet Union in battlefields, testing newly developed US weapons and keeping regional Leftist radicalism in check, all part of the Cold War strategy.
Israel not only reduced the power of pro-Soviet Union regimes by defeating them but also weakened the radical elements within the Palestine movement which had strong Marxist tendencies. A lot of resources were spent in splintering the Fatah movement including encouraging the rising Islamic groups. For example Hamas, Fatah’s main rival, was a splinter of Egypt’s Islamic Brotherhood, a sworn enemy of socialism. Rumours of Israel’s help in launching Hamas have never gone away. At that stage of history, the US was more concerned with leftist radicalism and thought jihadists and the US had the same long-term objectives.
Finally, oil was another cause. In the aftermath of the 1967 war, oil prices spiked throwing the Western economies into turmoil. The US could no longer depend on endless and cheap supply of oil without some military guarantees and Israel did that along with its main oil ally, Saudi Arabia, a despotic regime that has a major al-Qaeda problem too.
None of the above shows any ‘clash of civilisation’ element but is largely about the effect and impact of the US’s Cold War with the Soviet Union and using voters’ sentiments at home. One can argue the jihadist phenomenon as a by-product of the Cold War.

Soviet Union’s contribution
The final collapse of the Soviet Union was triggered by its invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. The US responded by creating a new contra force in the region, the Mujahideen. A war which was national in character was marketed as a holy war/jihad across the entire world putting the Soviets under great pressure. It became the ultimate proxy war before the Cold War finished and took Islamic extremism beyond borders.
Osama bin Laden was a major figure from Saudi Arabia in the Afghan war and lionized by Western media but once he saw the alliance between the Saudi royal family and the US — again a nationalist problem — as detrimental to his reading of Arab nationalism, he went on with his violent journey that had begun in Afghanistan.
The narrative of pan-Islamic nationalism has several roots but Arab world’s internal conflicts are an essential element of that. The US initially benefited from Islamic radicalism’s rise by damaging secular Leftist movement and the pro-Soviet regimes in the Middle East proper and also in Afghanistan by bringing the Soviet Union to its knees.
History also shows that sperming violent forces to counter an enemy doesn’t work out always as many turn out to be the new enemy once the old one is gone. The jihadists and Taliban provide the best example of this fact. Like socialism, the roots of jihadist radicalism is located in unresolved national issues which need attention before one can end the problem, an issue which the dominant US brewed model rarely if ever addresses unable to read much beyond Islamic radicalism.

South Asian terrorist woes
Some land-based wars can still perhaps be won but ‘terrorist’ wars can’t be fought well, let alone won, using conventional military logic. Major hotspots such as the Tamils in Sri Lanka, the ethnic insurgents in the Indian North East and of course Kashmir all have land-based national questions at its heart. Land-based wars can be won temporarily such as the one against the LTTE though at an extremely high price such as including the altered nature of the state. And now without any territorial base, this LTTE war may spread all over Sri Lanka. Mobile wars have greater ability to cause damage than frontal battles especially as economies show their increasing disability to fund long wars.
The conflict resolving model used during the Cold War has not only ended Soviet Union but continues to erode the US too. In Gaza, the latest Israeli incursion has seen the worst depletion of its allies globally including from within the Jewish population both in the US and Israel. Many Jews today reject the role of an occupying power. Inside Israel, the traditional security management role through occupation is losing unquestioned popularity. Given the lack of success, can south Asia take this road?
In this age of unwinnable wars, South Asia shouldn’t be involved in the ancient and now redundant logic of traditional security specialists. Anti-terrorism can be products of internal political compulsions and quickly go counter-productive as history has shown. Even the worst terrorist enemy starts gaining a human face when violence is perpetrated against unarmed people as the Gaza incident shows. The war gets lost in the battle field of public sympathy for the sufferer.
In this context, Bangladesh can provide a positive example. It may have a flawed peace but the CHT peace accord (1997) did achieve peace. Peace can satisfy the most selfish national objectives because it is not just an outcome but a security tool too. South Asian leaders need to move away from its West influenced security mentality of violence and counter violence which India, Pakistan and other countries are paying now by following them.
Peace is not a moral choice but a practical option where it’s as potent and powerful as any war. South Asia must think for itself as it approaches large scale cross border anti-terrorism.

Yet another failure in NCTB cap

THE textbook crisis seems to be turning graver by the day as the government appears to be at a complete loss and failing to find any headway to improve the situation. The authorities concerned are already in a muddle regarding availability of the Bengali version textbooks, which are no doubt more essential than English textbooks. But it does not help matters that they have failed to publish secondary level English textbooks on time. These are generally sold to students of English-medium schools and kindergartens that offer education in keeping with the board curriculum. As is reported in New Age on January 25, even about a month into the 2009 academic year, students of these educational institutions are unable to buy those textbooks mainly because the translators failed to meet their deadline. Of course, there were other problems too. Private printers and publishers were ‘reluctant’ to participate in the tenders, and the National Curriculum and Textbook Board failed to even roughly estimate the demand for English books and, according to the textbook board’s chairman, was ‘hesitating’ to print a large number of books and have them pile up in warehouses fearing audit objections.
The reasons are outrageously lame and reveal nothing but sheer incompetence and irresponsibility of the textbook board. It also suggests that instead of facilitating education the board has been consistently successful in creating hurdles for those who seek education. Without textbooks, guardians are left with no other option but to go for unauthorised English translations and notebooks. It may be noted that printing and marketing of notebooks for students up to class eight was banned in 1988 with stipulation of tough punishment for offenders. But as the guardians are forced to buy these books, the publishers do not want to lag behind either in making quick bucks by printing them and the authorities concerned cannot but remain silent regarding this malpractice as they themselves are responsible for the entire mess.
The government must take this issue seriously and demand an explanation from the board. As is learnt from the report, the authorities also failed to publish the English textbooks on time in 2008, and also in 2007. If the newly elected government is at all sincere in addressing what seems to have become a phenomenon, it must bring together all the resources under the disposal of the education ministry and make the sluggish institutions work more effectively.

Bureaucrats need to be spared of partisan ping pong

THE recent spate of transfers and postings in the civil bureaucracy is causing anxiety among many officials, according to a report published in New Age on Sunday. Civil bureaucrats at all levels are reportedly fearful of being sidelined as officers on special duty at the establishment ministry or of being given undesired postings by the new government. The reason for this anxiety stems from the apparent replaying of an old and all-too-familiar tale with regard to promotions and transfers of civil service officers — every time a new government comes to power in our country, it sidelines, sometimes for its entire term, officers who it considers to be supporters of the opposition parties and favours officers who it considers loyal to it. Hence, officers who were favoured during the rule of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led alliance government will now presumably to be sidelined, while those who were sidelined during that period by that government will presumably be given priority over the next five years in promotions and desirable postings. Hence, it is only natural that a section of civil servants are now feeling anxious about their professional fate.
Discussions about which party or government started the blatant politicisation of the civil bureaucracy are no longer relevant. The more poignant truth is that successive governments have partaken in this for decades, with each new government only bettering its predecessors in politicising the civil service. For many years now, the merit of officers has hardly been a factor at all in their promotions and postings; rather, officers have been rewarded for their loyalty to the political party in power and punished for the slightest suspicion of their support for opposition political parties. Whereas the allegiance of civil servants is meant to be to the republic, the systematic politicisation of the bureaucracy by successive governments has resulted in civil servants shifting their allegiance to one party or the other, thereby virtually destroying the neutrality, integrity and effectiveness of the civil service. It is very unfortunate, in our view, that this same tradition looks likely to continue under the current Awami League-led alliance government. It is particularly disheartening because this government came to power on the back of its promise to bring qualitative change to politics and governance in our country. This tradition of politicising the bureaucracy, if it continues, will be entirely contrary to that promise.
Given that the past government had sidelined many officers who were worthy of promotions and better postings because of their apparent political leanings, it is not objectionable that the new government might rehabilitate many of those officers. However, all promotions and postings ought to be done on the basis of the merit, competence and integrity of the officers in question rather than on the basis of their party loyalty. Hence, officers should be promoted if they merit promotion, not simply because they were persecuted by the last government. At the same time, competent and honest officers who may have been favoured by the last government because of their perceived loyalty should not be sidelined by the present government for that same reason. In short, the best officers at every level should be given the most critical positions and all promotions should be based on merit in order for the civil service to be optimally effective. If the AL-led alliance government actually means what it has said about bringing change to politics, it should break with tradition and make the civil bureaucracy a true meritocracy, not a party political institution.

If subsidies could be all in cash

ON THE day of the last Eid-ul-Azha I asked a beggar how all those pieces of meat she collected from door to door she would feast on with her family of six members. Her reply: ‘I have collected about 5 kilograms of meat. I will cook one kilo for my family to feast on and the rest four kilos I will sell to a slaughter shop for Tk 200.’ To my idea that she could also be handed liquid cash of Tk 1,200 instead of five kilograms of piecemeal meats she promptly reacted: ‘Let alone Tk 1,200, even Tk 600 in cash would have been much better than 5 kilograms of meat.’
Proprietors of slaughter shops, as a traditional malpractice, buy from beggars, who cannot afford to bargain for a fair price, those valuable meats of fatty sacrificial cows for not more than Tk 50 per kilo while the same shops sell meat of normal skeletal cows for no less than Tk 220. In fact, five kilograms of meat of the pricy cows the beggar collected did cost the original meat-donors at least Tk 1,200, given the high price, say Tk 20,000 per sacrificial cow Muslims buy during Eid-ul-Azha. Donors’ sacrifice of half the cow’s price, according to the beggar’s judgement, would have made recipients of the donations much happier, if the handouts were in the form of cash instead of meat.
Out of about 154 million people of Bangladesh not more than one million people can be found who can be designated as rich who own their individual homes in urban areas and are blessed with creature comforts to lead a modern and decent livelihood. The rest 153 million people are generally poor who may be classified as groups living in abject poverty, lower-income, middle-income, upper middle-income, and reasonable affluence.
Although more than half of our GDP is generated through the service sector, nearly two-thirds of Bangladeshis are employed in the agriculture sector, with rice as the single-most-important product. So, obviously our government must provide subsidies for the farmers on account of their agricultural inputs such as seeds, fuels and fertilisers and the government must also be ready to buy their products if the market is dull. Similarly, the poor consumers must be given relief on account of their two basic physiological needs such as food and health, the two areas where tonnes of money from the government exchequer have been pouring in the name of subsidies, but mostly in futile due to greedy interventions by multiple agents in the whole process.
Frankly speaking, I don’t understand the ‘subsidy’ thing! Is there anyone actually handing a check or a pay order or making a bank transfer to anybody’s account and saying, ‘Here, this is your subsidy payment’?
Subsidy which is being defrayed in the form of agricultural inputs could merely be a ‘notional subsidy’ or ‘opportunity cost’ – which would be the revenue – that is being lost because the inputs are being sold locally at less than normal price. In other words, extra revenue that could have been earned and put to good use has been lost.
But, who exactly is paying this subsidy to whom? The government is paying subsidy to the poor and the rich is reimbursing the payment? If the answer is ‘yes’, in my humble opinion, ‘this “yes” is the flagrant most “lie” and such subsidisation is a thuggish brutality to the poor.’ As a matter of fact, subsidy meant for the poor reaches the rich in substance and tantalises the poor as a beacon of hope to be turned ultimately into frustration. If we minutely analyse the marketing mechanism of the farmers’ ‘buy and sell’ we will find a dismal picture of the so-called givers, ostensibly benefactors, cheating the recipients, supposedly beneficiaries.
Newspaper readers like me are quite curious about words uttered and steps taken by Matia Chowdhury, our agriculture minister. Given her background of chequered political career and unalloyed integrity, she is perhaps one of very few in the cabinet who is under huge pressure in search of policies and strategies in the agriculture sector that may help the new government meet people’s Himalayan expectations.
In a recent workshop on diesel subsidy organised by the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, where Matia Chowdhury attended as chief guest, a study report said there was a leakage of around Tk 50 crore (Tk 500 million) in payment process of cash subsidy on diesel to the farmers in the last year. Some 27 per cent eligible farmers were not listed, 13 per cent ineligible persons received subsidy and 18 per cent eligible listed farmers did not get the payment under the programme of cash subsidy on diesel. Last year, it should be mentioned, a non-partisan caretaker government backed by the disciplined armed forces was in power when Tk 2.5 billion was disbursed as cash subsidy on diesel to the farmers.
I as a banker felt a little swollen with pride and a glimmer of hope was raised by the words of Matia Chowdhury who in the same workshop said steps to disburse subsidy through banks would be considered to stop malpractices in distribution of cash subsidy by officials of union parishads and agriculture extension departments.
The reported leakage of cash subsidy on diesel through a BIDS study with break-ups in percentages of ‘who got how much or didn’t get at all’ is at least a revelation made possible because of ‘cash’ which in accounting is extremely a hot and visible item and must be entered properly in books and registers. If diesel were distributed at heavily discounted price the BIDS study on leakage of the subsidy funds perhaps could not have been numerically and accountably so clearly revealing and highlighted. Now if the government with help from the armed service personnel can identify and register the actual farmers such fund leakage may be tight-sealed for ever, provided cash subsidy continues.
Statistics, especially inferential statistics, is an interesting discipline of mathematical science that can provide the government very effective tools for assessment and prediction of the needs of masses, if correct data can be collated through reliable agents. Now that we already possess a huge demographic database, more or less reliable, thanks to issuance of national identity cards for all matured men and women, what is now needed is to correlate and crosscheck those data with the data of unregistered and registered farmers with a view to sifting out the genuine from the fake.
Interesting success stories of offering subsidies through cash disbursements can be observed in distribution through banks of stipends to primary and secondary students, freedom fighters, the disabled, the destitute and the old. Not many incidents of corruption are reported in these transactions. The secret tools behind the successes are cash, proper registration and accounting. Imagine how cantankerous the scenario would have been if the subsidy funds for these stipends would have been defrayed in the forms of inputs like food, medicines, toiletries, CI sheets, clothes, blankets, books, and other materials bought by contractors and handed out by government agents at subsidised prices.
A blacksmith’s job is to make and repair articles made of iron and a potter’s job is to make clay pots by hand; under no circumstances they should be asked to swap over their jobs. Ironically, many of our jobs are done by professionals trained in diametrically opposite disciplines; a botanist is working as a banker, an accountant as a magistrate, or an engineer as a diplomat.
The government’s main function as regards to commerce is to frame policies congenial to private entrepreneurs. Commerce and trade should not be the domain where government functionaries have to work as procurement agents or salesmen unless there is a crisis like war or famine or a major global economic meltdown. To break monopoly or unholy syndication of unscrupulous tradesmen the government may of course keep some outlets or mechanism ready to provide succour to the needy. But, direct intervention in perpetuity by the government in trading or in crippling the market forces would scare the genuine businessmen away leaving a vibrant economy to gradually retard.
There are many instances of government intervention where subsidising commodities by means of lowering tariff and duties or by selling at discounted prices with an honest intention did instead of putting the poor out of harm’s way throw them from the frying pan to fire because most of the agents handling the subsidisation are either inept or corrupt. Subsidized fertilisers, for instance, are more beneficial to the industrialists manufacturing melamine articles than to the farmers producing rice; and due to price differential between neighbouring countries subsidised fuels fly across the border from many of our gas stations that were deliberately set up in our border areas.
But subsidisation is a must in a country like ours teeming with the poor. To my humble opinion the government may henceforth stop the whole gamut of subsidisations in all kinds and in all sectors including food, health, education and agriculture in whatever forms, call it lowered tariff for agricultural equipment and inputs, fertilisers or fuels for free or at discounted prices, nominal tuition fees in educational institutions or free admission and free medicines in public hospitals. Then the immediate step should be to liberate all the local market forces to play in conjunction with free market forces of the world to ensure the best delivery of goods and services to the rich and to the poor alike.
Now one may ask how then the poor will survive. The answer is simple: give them cash to fill the gap between the prices of three basic goods and services on account of food, health and education they will have to buy from the free market and their respective affordability.
The sum total of all the seen money the government has to plunk down from its coffer for subsidising expenses of the poor and the unseen money drained as systems loss due to rampant corruption in every facet of our society, I am quite sure, would be an astronomical figure that may surpass even the amount that as subsidy to the poor is printed in our annual budget. Multibillion taka, thus freed from the destructive methodology of subsidisation, must be more than enough to reimburse the fissure between the income of the poor and their expenditure in free market economy without any system loss.
In the United States every citizen has to file his/her tax return no matter his/her income is taxable or not. After thorough evaluation of individual tax returns the taxation authority instead of charging tax rather automatically credits a returnee’s account with subsistence allowances if his/her annual income is far below the minimum tax threshold.
Our government, if it is bold enough and if it really means to bring about a real change in our system, may make it mandatory for all citizens to open bank accounts and file their annual tax returns. A rickshaw-puller, a landless farmer, a teacher, a banker, a civil or military servant, an industrialist, a philanthropist, or even a beggar all would have their accounts with banks and tax identification number registered with the income tax authorities.
At the beginning of every month millions of cell phones (if the government is kind enough to gift each citizen a cell phone set at discounted price as a gesture of goodwill) would be buzzing with text messages from their bankers announcing credits of their accounts with monthly subsistence allowances. One such text message may say: ‘Mr Kalu Mia, TIN # 123456789, the NBR, after evaluation of your tax return, has been pleased to credit your bank account with Tk 3,575 as allowances you would need for your livelihood for the current month.’

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